arXiv subjects

Hector Galindo-Silva

Publications and source records attributed to Hector Galindo-Silva.

15 recordsLinked to original sources

arXiv2026

Conformity Traps and the Formation of Independent Judgment

I study why some groups---polities and organizations alike---sustain independent judgment while others fall into conformity traps. Social approval can suppress not only the expression of independent judgment but also the upstream practice that keeps such judgment available: maintaining judgment generates visible questioning, and observers cannot distinguish diligence from opposition. Because suspicion falls when questioning is common, the same desire for approval can sustain a questioning culture or a conformity trap. The model separates maintaining judgment from acting on it when novelty arrives. When the decision to act is uniquely determined, I give primitive conditions for coexistence; in a logit--proportional benchmark, a single inequality is necessary and sufficient. The principal contribution is dynamic. Under staggered revision the stock of judgment is inherited: protecting dissent releases existing judgment at once---with negative expected adaptive value on impact in a stationary culture below a break-even competence threshold---whereas rebuilding the stock is constrained by turnover. A monotone operator constructs the extremal perfect-foresight paths from every inherited state. When recovery under every admissible continuation is attainable, two cutoffs classify inherited states---recovery impossible, expectation-dependent, or assured---and a focus condition at the unstable culture strictly separates them, opening a band of states where expectations select the long-run culture. Turnover then yields sharp physical duration bounds, within temporary direct formation support, for making recovery possible or robust. A fully coupled interval-certified example verifies coexistence, the band, and the distinct output and welfare implications.

econ.TH↗

arXiv2026

Environmental Threat and the Nation: Earthquake Risk, Distributive Priority, and Expressive Attachment

This paper studies how long-run earthquake risk shapes national identity, separating a distributive margin (national membership as a rule for allocating scarce resources) from an expressive margin (pride, willingness to fight, and affective attachment). Linking World Values Survey respondents (1981-2022; 63 countries, 494 subnational regions) to subnational seismic-risk geography, I find that people living closer to high-risk zones express stronger national in-group orientation: more pride, more willingness to fight, and more priority for nationals when jobs are scarce. Family attachment and out-group hostility do not rise, while religiosity increases in parallel. The expressive margin is conditional: the pride response is pronounced where state-religion alignment and a cohesive religious field lend the symbolic infrastructure to cast disaster as a shared national ordeal, and indistinguishable from zero where they do not. A complementary design exploiting earthquakes between adjacent survey waves finds no average short-run response, yet the response it does detect concentrates among older, place-attached residents who cannot leave -- consistent with attitudes tracking a chronic, inescapable risk rather than single events. Together, the results point to a demand-side origin of national attachment: where a covariate shock would overwhelm local and family insurance, people turn to larger communities of protection and meaning -- the nation and religion -- a logic I formalize in a simple social-interaction model.

econ.GN↗

arXiv2026

Colonial Rule and Religious Change: Evidence from Africa's Colonial Borders

The European colonization of sub-Saharan Africa drove a massive shift from indigenous religions to Christianity, yet the channels through which this transformation occurred remain poorly understood. Using a geographic regression discontinuity design at colonial borders in sub-Saharan Africa, I find that Christian adherence is substantially higher under French and Portuguese direct rule than under British indirect rule -- a gap that implies a correspondingly greater persistence of traditional religions where indirect rule prevailed. Neither mission presence nor pre-colonial political centralization can account for the discontinuity. Instead, the evidence points to the disruption of the inherited social order as the key channel: where direct rule eroded rigid traditional social structures, Christianity -- which bypassed hereditary boundaries -- expanded to fill the void; where indirect rule preserved them, indigenous religions endured. These findings shed light on the dynamics of religious identity change and how it was shaped by colonialism.

econ.GN↗

arXiv2026

Ethnic Groups' Access to State Power and Group Size

Ethnic-based political inequality is widespread, yet its underlying drivers remain poorly understood. This paper shows that an ethnic group's relative size is a key correlate of its access to central executive power. Using data on 575 groups across 181 countries from 1946 to 2021, I document a robust inverted-U-shaped relationship: groups of intermediate size are significantly more likely to gain political inclusion than both very small and very large ones. A simple model explains this pattern as the result of elite trade-offs between the risks of conflict from exclusion and the costs of sharing political rents. The model further predicts-and the data confirm-that the inverted-U is most pronounced in countries with historically competitive institutions. These findings offer new insight into the joint role of ethnic composition and institutions in shaping patterns of ethnic political inclusion.

econ.GN↗

arXiv2026

Institutions, Education, and Religious Change: Evidence from Colombia

How do religious identities change? We study the effects of civic education reforms on religious identification using Colombia's 1991 Constitution, which dismantled the country's confessional regime and mandated constitutional instruction in high schools. Exploiting cohort-based variation in exposure to the reform and nationally representative survey data, we implement a difference-in-differences design. We find that exposure to the constitutional curriculum reduced Catholic self-identification by about three percentage points. This decline reflects a reallocation of religious identities rather than a generalized decline in religiosity. In regions where Catholic institutional presence was historically weaker, Catholic losses translate into switching toward non-Catholic Christian denominations and higher religious attendance. In contrast, in regions where Catholic dominance was stronger, the decline is associated with increased secular identification and lower attendance. These patterns hold across ethnic and non-ethnic groups and are shaped primarily by regional religious supply rather than ethnicity per se. Overall, the results show that civic education can reconfigure religious identities by reshaping the relative legitimacy of competing affiliations.

econ.GN↗

arXiv2025

Religious Competition, Cultural Change, and Domestic Violence: Evidence from Colombia

We study how religious competition-defined as the entry of a religious organization with innovative worship practices into a predominantly Catholic municipality-affects domestic violence. Using municipality-level data from Colombia and a two-way fixed effects design, we find that the arrival of the first non-Catholic church leads to a significant reduction in reported cases of domestic violence. We argue that religious competition incentivizes churches to adopt and diffuse norms and practices that more effectively discourage such violence. Effects are largest in municipalities with smaller, younger, and more homogeneous populations-contexts that facilitate both intense competition and norm diffusion. Consistent with this mechanism, areas with more new non-Catholic churches exhibit greater rejection of domestic violence-particularly among the religiously observant-and higher female labor force participation. These findings contribute to the literature on the cultural determinants of domestic violence by identifying religious competition as a catalyst for cultural change.

econ.GN↗

arXiv2025

Culture, Gender, and Labor Force Participation: Evidence from Colombia

This study investigates the impact of integrating gender equality into the Colombian constitution of 1991 on attitudes towards gender equality, experiences of gender-based discrimination, and labor market participation. Using a difference-in-discontinuities framework, we compare individuals exposed to mandatory high school courses on the Constitution with those who were not exposed. Our findings show a significant increase in labor market participation, primarily driven by women. Exposure to these courses also shapes attitudes towards gender equality, with men demonstrating greater support. Women report experiencing less gender-based discrimination. Importantly, our results suggest that women's increased labor market participation is unlikely due to reduced barriers from male partners. A disparity in opinions regarding traditional gender norms concerning household domains is observed between men and women, highlighting an ongoing power struggle within the home. However, the presence of a younger woman in the household appears to influence men's more positive view of gender equality, potentially indicating a desire to empower younger women in their future lives. These findings highlight the crucial role of cultural shocks and the constitutional inclusion of women's rights in shaping labor market dynamics.

econ.GN↗

arXiv2025

The centripetal pull of climate: Evidence from European Parliament elections (1989-2019)

This paper examines the impact of temperature shocks on European Parliament elections. We combine high-resolution climate data with results from parliamentary elections between 1989 and 2019, aggregated at the NUTS-2 regional level. Exploiting exogenous variation in unusually warm and hot days during the months preceding elections, we identify the effect of short-run temperature shocks on voting behaviour. We find that temperature shocks reduce ideological polarisation and increase vote concentration, as voters consolidate around larger, more moderate parties. This aggregated pattern is explained by a gain in support of liberal and, to a lesser extent, social democratic parties, while right-wing parties lose vote share. Consistent with a salience mechanism, complementary analysis of party manifestos shows greater emphasis on climate-related issues in warmer pre-electoral contexts. Overall, our findings indicate that climate shocks can shift party systems toward the centre and weaken political extremes.

econ.GN↗

arXiv2024

Ideological Ambiguity and Political Spectrum

This study examines the relationship between ambiguity and the ideological positioning of political parties across the political spectrum. We identify a strong non-monotonic (inverted U-shaped) relationship between party ideology and ambiguity within a sample of 202 European political parties. This pattern is observed across all ideological dimensions covered in the data. To explain this pattern, we propose a novel theory that suggests centrist parties are perceived as less risky by voters compared to extremist parties, giving them an advantage in employing ambiguity to attract more voters at a lower cost. We support our explanation with additional evidence from electoral outcomes and economic indicators in the respective party countries.

econ.GN↗

arXiv2023

Armed Conflict and Early Human Capital Accumulation: Evidence from Cameroon's Anglophone Conflict

This paper examines the impact of the Anglophone Conflict in Cameroon on human capital accumulation. Using high-quality individual-level data on test scores and information on conflict-related violent events, a difference-in-differences design is employed to estimate the conflict's causal effects. The results show that an increase in violent events and conflict-related deaths causes a significant decline in test scores in reading and mathematics. The conflict also leads to higher rates of teacher absenteeism and reduced access to electricity in schools. These findings highlight the adverse consequences of conflict-related violence on human capital accumulation, particularly within the Anglophone subsystem. The study emphasizes the disproportionate burden faced by Anglophone pupils due to language-rooted tensions and segregated educational systems.

econ.GN↗

arXiv2021

Fighting for Not-So-Religious Souls: The Role of Religious Competition in Secular Conflicts

Many countries embroiled in non-religious civil conflicts have experienced a dramatic increase in religious competition in recent years. This study examines whether increasing competition between religions affects violence in non-religious or secular conflicts. The study focuses on Colombia, a deeply Catholic country that has suffered one of the world's longest-running internal conflicts and, in the last few decades, has witnessed an intense increase in religious competition between the Catholic Church and new non-Catholic churches. The estimation of a dynamic treatment effect model shows that establishing the first non-Catholic church in a municipality substantially increases the probability of conflict-related violence. The effect is larger for violence by guerrilla groups, and is concentrated on municipalities where the establishment of the first non-Catholic church leads to more intense religious competition. Further analysis suggests that the increase in guerrilla violence is associated with an expectation among guerrilla groups that their membership will decline as a consequence of more intense competition with religious groups for followers.

econ.GN↗

arXiv2021

Fuzzy Difference-in-Discontinuities: Identification Theory and Application to the Affordable Care Act

This paper explores the use of a fuzzy regression discontinuity design where multiple treatments are applied at the threshold. The identification results show that, under the very strong assumption that the change in the probability of treatment at the cutoff is equal across treatments, a difference-in-discontinuities estimator identifies the treatment effect of interest. The point estimates of the treatment effect using a simple fuzzy difference-in-discontinuities design are biased if the change in the probability of a treatment applying at the cutoff differs across treatments. Modifications of the fuzzy difference-in-discontinuities approach that rely on milder assumptions are also proposed. Our results suggest caution is needed when applying before-and-after methods in the presence of fuzzy discontinuities. Using data from the National Health Interview Survey, we apply this new identification strategy to evaluate the causal effect of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) on older Americans' health care access and utilization.

econ.EM↗

arXiv2020

Conflict externalization and the quest for peace: theory and case evidence from Colombia

I study the relationship between the likelihood of a violent domestic conflict and the risk that such a conflict "externalizes" (i.e. spreads to another country by creating an international dispute). I consider a situation in which a domestic conflict between a government and a rebel group has the potential to externalize. I show that the risk of externalization increases the likelihood of a peaceful outcome, but only if the government is sufficiently powerful relative to the rebels, the risk of externalization is sufficiently high, and the foreign actor who can intervene in the domestic conflict is sufficiently uninterested in material costs and benefits. I show how this model helps to understand the recent and successful peace process between the Colombian government and the country's most powerful rebel group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).

econ.GN↗

arXiv2020

Political Openness and Armed Conflict: Evidence from Local Councils in Colombia

In this paper, I empirically investigate how the openness of political institutions to diverse representation can impact conflict-related violence. By exploiting plausibly exogenous variations in the number of councillors in Colombian municipalities, I develop two sets of results. First, regression discontinuity estimates show that larger municipal councils have a considerably greater number of political parties with at least one elected representative. I interpret this result as evidence that larger municipal councils are more open to diverse political participation. The estimates also reveal that non-traditional parties are the main beneficiaries of this greater political openness. Second, regression discontinuity estimates show that political openness substantially decreases conflict-related violence, namely the killing of civilian non-combatants. By exploiting plausibly exogenous variations in local election results, I show that the lower level of political violence stems from greater participation by parties with close links to armed groups. Using data about the types of violence employed by these groups, and representation at higher levels of government, I argue that armed violence has decreased not because of power-sharing arrangements involving armed groups linked to the parties with more political representation, but rather because armed groups with less political power and visibility are deterred from initiating certain types of violence.

econ.GN↗

arXiv2020

External Threats, Political Turnover and Fiscal Capacity

In most of the recent literature on state capacity, the significance of wars in state-building assumes that threats from foreign countries generate common interests among domestic groups, leading to larger investments in state capacity. However, many countries that have suffered external conflicts don't experience increased unity. Instead, they face factional politics that often lead to destructive civil wars. This paper develops a theory of the impact of interstate conflicts on fiscal capacity in which fighting an external threat is not always a common-interest public good, and in which interstate conflicts can lead to civil wars. The theory identifies conditions under which an increased risk of external conflict decreases the chance of civil war, which in turn results in a government with a longer political life and with more incentives to invest in fiscal capacity. These conditions depend on the cohesiveness of institutions, but in a non-trivial and novel way: a higher risk of an external conflict that results in lower political turnover, but that also makes a foreign invasion more likely, contributes to state-building only if institutions are sufficiently incohesive.

econ.GN↗