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Shiro Kuriwaki

Publications and source records attributed to Shiro Kuriwaki.

11 recordsLinked to original sources

The Role of Confounders and Linearity in Ecological Inference: A Reassessment

Estimating conditional means using only the marginal means available from aggregate data is known as the ecological inference problem. We reassess this literature, arguing that it has understudied two issues: how practitioners should control for confounding, and how methodologists can leverage the linearity inherent in the structure of the problem. On the former, we formalize ignorability conditions like those in causal inference and outline consistent plug-in estimators: These are credible when covariates make the ignorability condition plausible. On the latter, we show that aggregation restricts the target function to be partially linear. Such linearity clarifies the connections between King's (1997) methodology, its predecessors, and subsequent developments. That motivates a recent doubly-robust technique that enters covariates flexibly while leveraging linearity. Finally, we test these methods in datasets where the ground truth is fortuitously observed. In these common applications, all methods tested were prone to overestimating racial polarization and underestimating split-ticket voting.

stat.AP

Identification and Semiparametric Estimation of Conditional Means from Aggregate Data

We introduce a new method for estimating the mean of an outcome variable within groups when researchers only observe the average of the outcome and group indicators across a set of aggregation units, such as geographical areas. Existing methods for this problem, also known as ecological inference, implicitly make strong assumptions about the aggregation process. We first formalize weaker conditions for identification which hold conditionally on covariates. To efficiently control for many covariates, we propose a debiased machine learning estimator that is based on nuisance functions restricted to a partially linear form. Our estimator admits a semiparametric sensitivity analysis which allows researchers to evaluate the impact of violations of the key identifying assumption. We also propose a nonparametric test for the identifying assumption itself. Finally, we derive asymptotically valid confidence intervals for local, unit-level estimates under additional assumptions. Simulations and validation on real-world data where ground truth is available demonstrate the advantages of our approach over existing methods. Open-source software is available which implements the proposed methods.

stat.ME

Privacy Violations in Election Results

After an election, should election officials release a copy of each anonymous ballot? Some policymakers have championed public disclosure to counter distrust, but others worry that it might undermine ballot secrecy. We introduce the term vote revelation to refer to the linkage of a vote on an anonymous ballot to the voter's name in the public voter file, and detail how such revelation could theoretically occur. Using the 2020 election in Maricopa County, Arizona, as a case study, we show that the release of individual ballot records would lead to no revelation of any vote choice for 99.83% of voters as compared to 99.95% under Maricopa's current practice of reporting aggregate results by precinct and method of voting. Further, revelation is overwhelmingly concentrated among the few voters who cast provisional ballots or federal-only ballots. We discuss the potential benefits of transparency, compare remedies to reduce or eliminate privacy violations, and highlight the privacy-transparency tradeoff inherent in all election reporting.

cs.CR

Cast vote records: A database of ballots from the 2020 U.S. Election

Ballots are the core records of elections. Electronic records of actual ballots cast (cast vote records) are available to the public in some jurisdictions. However, they have been released in a variety of formats and have not been independently evaluated. Here we introduce a database of cast vote records from the 2020 U.S. general election. We downloaded publicly available unstandardized cast vote records, standardized them into a multi-state database, and extensively compared their totals to certified election results. Our release includes vote records for President, Governor, U.S. Senate and House, and state upper and lower chambers -- covering 42.7 million voters in 20 states who voted for more than 2,204 candidates. This database serves as a uniquely granular administrative dataset for studying voting behavior and election administration. Using this data, we show that in battleground states, 1.9 percent of solid Republicans (as defined by their congressional and state legislative voting) in our database split their ticket for Joe Biden, while 1.2 percent of solid Democrats split their ticket for Donald Trump.

cs.CY

Evaluating Bias and Noise Induced by the U.S. Census Bureau's Privacy Protection Methods

The United States Census Bureau faces a difficult trade-off between the accuracy of Census statistics and the protection of individual information. We conduct the first independent evaluation of bias and noise induced by the Bureau's two main disclosure avoidance systems: the TopDown algorithm employed for the 2020 Census and the swapping algorithm implemented for the three previous Censuses. Our evaluation leverages the Noisy Measure File (NMF) as well as two independent runs of the TopDown algorithm applied to the 2010 decennial Census. We find that the NMF contains too much noise to be directly useful, especially for Hispanic and multiracial populations. TopDown's post-processing dramatically reduces the NMF noise and produces data whose accuracy is similar to that of swapping. While the estimated errors for both TopDown and swapping algorithms are generally no greater than other sources of Census error, they can be relatively substantial for geographies with small total populations.

cs.CY

Widespread Partisan Gerrymandering Mostly Cancels Nationally, but Reduces Electoral Competition

Congressional district lines in many U.S. states are drawn by partisan actors, raising concerns about gerrymandering. To separate the partisan effects of redistricting from the effects of other factors including geography and redistricting rules, we compare possible party compositions of the U.S. House under the enacted plan to those under a set of alternative simulated plans that serve as a non-partisan baseline. We find that partisan gerrymandering is widespread in the 2020 redistricting cycle, but most of the electoral bias it creates cancels at the national level, giving Republicans two additional seats on average. Geography and redistricting rules separately contribute a moderate pro-Republican bias. Finally, we find that partisan gerrymandering reduces electoral competition and makes the partisan composition of the U.S. House less responsive to shifts in the national vote.

physics.soc-ph

Simulated redistricting plans for the analysis and evaluation of redistricting in the United States

This article introduces the 50stateSimulations, a collection of simulated congressional districting plans and underlying code developed by the Algorithm-Assisted Redistricting Methodology (ALARM) Project. The 50stateSimulations allow for the evaluation of enacted and other congressional redistricting plans in the United States. While the use of redistricting simulation algorithms has become standard in academic research and court cases, any simulation analysis requires non-trivial efforts to combine multiple data sets, identify state-specific redistricting criteria, implement complex simulation algorithms, and summarize and visualize simulation outputs. We have developed a complete workflow that facilitates this entire process of simulation-based redistricting analysis for the congressional districts of all 50 states. The resulting 50stateSimulations include ensembles of simulated 2020 congressional redistricting plans and necessary replication data. We also provide the underlying code, which serves as a template for customized analyses. All data and code are free and publicly available. This article details the design, creation, and validation of the data.

stat.AP

Comment: The Essential Role of Policy Evaluation for the 2020 Census Disclosure Avoidance System

In "Differential Perspectives: Epistemic Disconnects Surrounding the US Census Bureau's Use of Differential Privacy," boyd and Sarathy argue that empirical evaluations of the Census Disclosure Avoidance System (DAS), including our published analysis, failed to recognize how the benchmark data against which the 2020 DAS was evaluated is never a ground truth of population counts. In this commentary, we explain why policy evaluation, which was the main goal of our analysis, is still meaningful without access to a perfect ground truth. We also point out that our evaluation leveraged features specific to the decennial Census and redistricting data, such as block-level population invariance under swapping and voter file racial identification, better approximating a comparison with the ground truth. Lastly, we show that accurate statistical predictions of individual race based on the Bayesian Improved Surname Geocoding, while not a violation of differential privacy, substantially increases the disclosure risk of private information the Census Bureau sought to protect. We conclude by arguing that policy makers must confront a key trade-off between data utility and privacy protection, and an epistemic disconnect alone is insufficient to explain disagreements between policy choices.

stat.AP

Unrepresentative Big Surveys Significantly Overestimate US Vaccine Uptake

Surveys are a crucial tool for understanding public opinion and behavior, and their accuracy depends on maintaining statistical representativeness of their target populations by minimizing biases from all sources. Increasing data size shrinks confidence intervals but magnifies the impact of survey bias, an instance of the Big Data Paradox (Meng 2018). Here we demonstrate this paradox in estimates of first-dose COVID-19 vaccine uptake in US adults: Delphi-Facebook (about 250,000 responses per week) and Census Household Pulse (about 75,000 per week). By May 2021, Delphi-Facebook overestimated uptake by 17 percentage points and Census Household Pulse by 14, compared to a benchmark from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). Moreover, their large data sizes led to minuscule margins of error on the incorrect estimates. In contrast, an Axios-Ipsos online panel with about 1,000 responses following survey research best practices (AAPOR) provided reliable estimates and uncertainty. We decompose observed error using a recent analytic framework to explain the inaccuracy in the three surveys. We then analyze the implications for vaccine hesitancy and willingness. We show how a survey of 250,000 respondents can produce an estimate of the population mean that is no more accurate than an estimate from a simple random sample of size 10. Our central message is that data quality matters far more than data quantity, and compensating the former with the latter is a mathematically provable losing proposition.

stat.AP

The Impact of the U.S. Census Disclosure Avoidance System on Redistricting and Voting Rights Analysis

The US Census Bureau plans to protect the privacy of 2020 Census respondents through its Disclosure Avoidance System (DAS), which attempts to achieve differential privacy guarantees by adding noise to the Census microdata. By applying redistricting simulation and analysis methods to DAS-protected 2010 Census data, we find that the protected data are not of sufficient quality for redistricting purposes. We demonstrate that the injected noise makes it impossible for states to accurately comply with the One Person, One Vote principle. Our analysis finds that the DAS-protected data are biased against certain areas, depending on voter turnout and partisan and racial composition, and that these biases lead to large and unpredictable errors in the analysis of partisan and racial gerrymanders. Finally, we show that the DAS algorithm does not universally protect respondent privacy. Based on the names and addresses of registered voters, we are able to predict their race as accurately using the DAS-protected data as when using the 2010 Census data. Despite this, the DAS-protected data can still inaccurately estimate the number of majority-minority districts. We conclude with recommendations for how the Census Bureau should proceed with privacy protection for the 2020 Census.

stat.AP

Synthetic Area Weighting for Measuring Public Opinion in Small Areas

The comparison of subnational areas is ubiquitous but survey samples of these areas are often biased or prohibitively small. Researchers turn to methods such as multilevel regression and poststratification (MRP) to improve the efficiency of estimates by partially pooling data across areas via random effects. However, the random effect approach can pool observations only through area-level aggregates. We instead propose a weighting estimator, the synthetic area estimator, which weights on variables measured only in the survey to partially pool observations individually. The proposed method consists of two-step weighting: first to adjust differences across areas and then to adjust for differences between the sample and population. Unlike MRP, our estimator can directly use the national weights that are often estimated from pollsters using proprietary information. Our approach also clarifies the assumptions needed for valid partial pooling, without imposing an outcome model. We apply the proposed method to estimate the support for immigration policies at the congressional district level in Florida. Our empirical results show that small area estimation models with insufficient covariates can mask opinion heterogeneities across districts.

stat.ME