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Tiago Pimentel

Publications and source records attributed to Tiago Pimentel.

At least 37 records · Page 2Linked to original sources

Using Information Theory to Characterize Prosodic Typology: The Case of Tone, Pitch-Accent and Stress-Accent

This paper argues that the relationship between lexical identity and prosody -- one well-studied parameter of linguistic variation -- can be characterized using information theory. We predict that languages that use prosody to make lexical distinctions should exhibit a higher mutual information between word identity and prosody, compared to languages that don't. We test this hypothesis in the domain of pitch, which is used to make lexical distinctions in tonal languages, like Cantonese. We use a dataset of speakers reading sentences aloud in ten languages across five language families to estimate the mutual information between the text and their pitch curves. We find that, across languages, pitch curves display similar amounts of entropy. However, these curves are easier to predict given their associated text in the tonal languages, compared to pitch- and stress-accent languages, and thus the mutual information is higher in these languages, supporting our hypothesis. Our results support perspectives that view linguistic typology as gradient, rather than categorical.

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Testing the Predictions of Surprisal Theory in 11 Languages

A fundamental result in psycholinguistics is that less predictable words take a longer time to process. One theoretical explanation for this finding is Surprisal Theory (Hale, 2001; Levy, 2008), which quantifies a word's predictability as its surprisal, i.e. its negative log-probability given a context. While evidence supporting the predictions of Surprisal Theory have been replicated widely, most have focused on a very narrow slice of data: native English speakers reading English texts. Indeed, no comprehensive multilingual analysis exists. We address this gap in the current literature by investigating the relationship between surprisal and reading times in eleven different languages, distributed across five language families. Deriving estimates from language models trained on monolingual and multilingual corpora, we test three predictions associated with surprisal theory: (i) whether surprisal is predictive of reading times; (ii) whether expected surprisal, i.e. contextual entropy, is predictive of reading times; (iii) and whether the linking function between surprisal and reading times is linear. We find that all three predictions are borne out crosslinguistically. By focusing on a more diverse set of languages, we argue that these results offer the most robust link to-date between information theory and incremental language processing across languages.

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Tokenisation is NP-Complete

In this work, we prove the NP-completeness of two variants of tokenisation, defined as the problem of compressing a dataset to at most $δ$ symbols by either finding a vocabulary directly (direct tokenisation), or selecting a sequence of merge operations (bottom-up tokenisation).

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Towards a Similarity-adjusted Surprisal Theory

Surprisal theory posits that the cognitive effort required to comprehend a word is determined by its contextual predictability, quantified as surprisal. Traditionally, surprisal theory treats words as distinct entities, overlooking any potential similarity between them. Giulianelli et al. (2023) address this limitation by introducing information value, a measure of predictability designed to account for similarities between communicative units. Our work leverages Ricotta and Szeidl's (2006) diversity index to extend surprisal into a metric that we term similarity-adjusted surprisal, exposing a mathematical relationship between surprisal and information value. Similarity-adjusted surprisal aligns with information value when considering graded similarities and reduces to standard surprisal when words are treated as distinct. Experimental results with reading time data indicate that similarity-adjusted surprisal adds predictive power beyond standard surprisal for certain datasets, suggesting it serves as a complementary measure of comprehension effort.

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Local and Global Decoding in Text Generation

Text generation, a key component in applications such as dialogue systems, relies on decoding algorithms that sample strings from a language model distribution. Traditional methods, such as top-$k$ and top-$π$, apply local normalisation to the model's output distribution, which can distort it. In this paper, we investigate the effect of this distortion by introducing globally-normalised versions of these decoding methods. Additionally, we propose an independent Metropolis-Hastings algorithm to approximate sampling from globally-normalised distributions without explicitly computing them. Our empirical analysis compares the performance of local and global normalisation across two decoding algorithms (top-$k$ and top-$π$) with various hyperparameters, using Pythia language models. Results show that, in most configurations, global decoding performs worse than the local decoding version of the same algorithms -- despite preserving the distribution's integrity. Our results suggest that distortion is an important feature of local decoding algorithms.

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How to Compute the Probability of a Word

Language models (LMs) estimate a probability distribution over strings in a natural language; these distributions are crucial for computing perplexity and surprisal in linguistics research. While we are usually concerned with measuring these values for words, most LMs operate over subwords. Despite seemingly straightforward, accurately computing probabilities over one unit given probabilities over the other requires care. Indeed, we show here that many recent linguistic studies have been incorrectly computing these values. This paper derives the correct methods for computing word probabilities, highlighting issues when relying on language models that use beginning-of-word (bow)-marking tokenisers, e.g., the GPT family. Empirically, we show that correcting the widespread bug in probability computations affects measured outcomes in sentence comprehension and lexical optimisation analyses.

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Investigating Critical Period Effects in Language Acquisition through Neural Language Models

Humans appear to have a critical period (CP) for language acquisition: Second language (L2) acquisition becomes harder after early childhood, and ceasing exposure to a first language (L1) after this period (but not before) typically does not lead to substantial loss of L1 proficiency. It is unknown whether these CP effects result from innately determined brain maturation or as a stabilization of neural connections naturally induced by experience. In this study, we use language models (LMs) to test the extent to which these phenomena are peculiar to humans, or shared by a broader class of language learners. We vary the age of exposure by training LMs on language pairs in various experimental conditions, and find that LMs, which lack any direct analog to innate maturational stages, do not show CP effects when the age of exposure of L2 is delayed. Our results contradict the claim that CP effects are an inevitable result of statistical learning, and they are consistent with an innate mechanism for CP effects. We show that we can reverse-engineer the CP by introducing a regularizer partway through training to simulate a maturational decrease in plasticity. All in all, our results suggest that L1 learning on its own may not be enough to induce a CP, and additional engineering is necessary to make language models more cognitively plausible.

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On the Effect of (Near) Duplicate Subwords in Language Modelling

Tokenisation is a core part of language models (LMs). It involves splitting a character sequence into subwords which are assigned arbitrary indices before being served to the LM. While typically lossless, however, this process may lead to less sample efficient LM training: as it removes character-level information, it could make it harder for LMs to generalise across similar subwords, such as now and Now. We refer to such subwords as near duplicates. In this paper, we study the impact of near duplicate subwords on LM training efficiency. First, we design an experiment that gives us an upper bound to how much we should expect a model to improve if we could perfectly generalise across near duplicates. We do this by duplicating each subword in our LM's vocabulary, creating perfectly equivalent classes of subwords. Experimentally, we find that LMs need roughly 17% more data when trained in a fully duplicated setting. Second, we investigate the impact of naturally occurring near duplicates on LMs. Here, we see that merging them considerably hurts LM performance. Therefore, although subword duplication negatively impacts LM training efficiency, naturally occurring near duplicates may not be as similar as anticipated, limiting the potential for performance improvements.

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The Role of Language Imbalance in Cross-lingual Generalisation: Insights from Cloned Language Experiments

Multilinguality is crucial for extending recent advancements in language modelling to diverse linguistic communities. To maintain high performance while representing multiple languages, multilingual models ideally align representations, allowing what is learned in one language to generalise to others. Prior research has emphasised the importance of parallel data and shared vocabulary elements as key factors for such alignment. In this study, we investigate an unintuitive novel driver of cross-lingual generalisation: language imbalance. In controlled experiments on perfectly equivalent cloned languages, we observe that the existence of a predominant language during training boosts the performance of less frequent languages and leads to stronger alignment of model representations across languages. Furthermore, we find that this trend is amplified with scale: with large enough models or long enough training, we observe that bilingual training data with a 90/10 language split yields better performance on both languages than a balanced 50/50 split. Building on these insights, we design training schemes that can improve performance in all cloned languages, even without altering the training data. As we extend our analysis to real languages, we find that infrequent languages still benefit from frequent ones, yet whether language imbalance causes cross-lingual generalisation there is not conclusive.

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Causal Estimation of Memorisation Profiles

Understanding memorisation in language models has practical and societal implications, e.g., studying models' training dynamics or preventing copyright infringements. Prior work defines memorisation as the causal effect of training with an instance on the model's ability to predict that instance. This definition relies on a counterfactual: the ability to observe what would have happened had the model not seen that instance. Existing methods struggle to provide computationally efficient and accurate estimates of this counterfactual. Further, they often estimate memorisation for a model architecture rather than for a specific model instance. This paper fills an important gap in the literature, proposing a new, principled, and efficient method to estimate memorisation based on the difference-in-differences design from econometrics. Using this method, we characterise a model's memorisation profile--its memorisation trends across training--by only observing its behaviour on a small set of instances throughout training. In experiments with the Pythia model suite, we find that memorisation (i) is stronger and more persistent in larger models, (ii) is determined by data order and learning rate, and (iii) has stable trends across model sizes, thus making memorisation in larger models predictable from smaller ones.

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Speakers Fill Lexical Semantic Gaps with Context

Lexical ambiguity is widespread in language, allowing for the reuse of economical word forms and therefore making language more efficient. If ambiguous words cannot be disambiguated from context, however, this gain in efficiency might make language less clear -- resulting in frequent miscommunication. For a language to be clear and efficiently encoded, we posit that the lexical ambiguity of a word type should correlate with how much information context provides about it, on average. To investigate whether this is the case, we operationalise the lexical ambiguity of a word as the entropy of meanings it can take, and provide two ways to estimate this -- one which requires human annotation (using WordNet), and one which does not (using BERT), making it readily applicable to a large number of languages. We validate these measures by showing that, on six high-resource languages, there are significant Pearson correlations between our BERT-based estimate of ambiguity and the number of synonyms a word has in WordNet (e.g. $ρ= 0.40$ in English). We then test our main hypothesis -- that a word's lexical ambiguity should negatively correlate with its contextual uncertainty -- and find significant correlations on all 18 typologically diverse languages we analyse. This suggests that, in the presence of ambiguity, speakers compensate by making contexts more informative.

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Probing for the Usage of Grammatical Number

A central quest of probing is to uncover how pre-trained models encode a linguistic property within their representations. An encoding, however, might be spurious-i.e., the model might not rely on it when making predictions. In this paper, we try to find encodings that the model actually uses, introducing a usage-based probing setup. We first choose a behavioral task which cannot be solved without using the linguistic property. Then, we attempt to remove the property by intervening on the model's representations. We contend that, if an encoding is used by the model, its removal should harm the performance on the chosen behavioral task. As a case study, we focus on how BERT encodes grammatical number, and on how it uses this encoding to solve the number agreement task. Experimentally, we find that BERT relies on a linear encoding of grammatical number to produce the correct behavioral output. We also find that BERT uses a separate encoding of grammatical number for nouns and verbs. Finally, we identify in which layers information about grammatical number is transferred from a noun to its head verb.

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State-of-the-art generalisation research in NLP: A taxonomy and review

The ability to generalise well is one of the primary desiderata of natural language processing (NLP). Yet, what 'good generalisation' entails and how it should be evaluated is not well understood, nor are there any evaluation standards for generalisation. In this paper, we lay the groundwork to address both of these issues. We present a taxonomy for characterising and understanding generalisation research in NLP. Our taxonomy is based on an extensive literature review of generalisation research, and contains five axes along which studies can differ: their main motivation, the type of generalisation they investigate, the type of data shift they consider, the source of this data shift, and the locus of the shift within the modelling pipeline. We use our taxonomy to classify over 400 papers that test generalisation, for a total of more than 600 individual experiments. Considering the results of this review, we present an in-depth analysis that maps out the current state of generalisation research in NLP, and we make recommendations for which areas might deserve attention in the future. Along with this paper, we release a webpage where the results of our review can be dynamically explored, and which we intend to update as new NLP generalisation studies are published. With this work, we aim to take steps towards making state-of-the-art generalisation testing the new status quo in NLP.

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Analyzing Wrap-Up Effects through an Information-Theoretic Lens

Numerous analyses of reading time (RT) data have been implemented -- all in an effort to better understand the cognitive processes driving reading comprehension. However, data measured on words at the end of a sentence -- or even at the end of a clause -- is often omitted due to the confounding factors introduced by so-called "wrap-up effects," which manifests as a skewed distribution of RTs for these words. Consequently, the understanding of the cognitive processes that might be involved in these wrap-up effects is limited. In this work, we attempt to learn more about these processes by examining the relationship between wrap-up effects and information-theoretic quantities, such as word and context surprisals. We find that the distribution of information in prior contexts is often predictive of sentence- and clause-final RTs (while not of sentence-medial RTs). This lends support to several prior hypotheses about the processes involved in wrap-up effects.

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On the Efficacy of Sampling Adapters

Sampling is a common strategy for generating text from probabilistic models, yet standard ancestral sampling often results in text that is incoherent or ungrammatical. To alleviate this issue, various modifications to a model's sampling distribution, such as nucleus or top-k sampling, have been introduced and are now ubiquitously used in language generation systems. We propose a unified framework for understanding these techniques, which we term sampling adapters. Sampling adapters often lead to qualitatively better text, which raises the question: From a formal perspective, how are they changing the (sub)word-level distributions of language generation models? And why do these local changes lead to higher-quality text? We argue that the shift they enforce can be viewed as a trade-off between precision and recall: while the model loses its ability to produce certain strings, its precision rate on desirable text increases. While this trade-off is not reflected in standard metrics of distribution quality (such as perplexity), we find that several precision-emphasizing measures indeed indicate that sampling adapters can lead to probability distributions more aligned with the true distribution. Further, these measures correlate with higher sequence-level quality scores, specifically, Mauve.

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Revisiting the Optimality of Word Lengths

Zipf (1935) posited that wordforms are optimized to minimize utterances' communicative costs. Under the assumption that cost is given by an utterance's length, he supported this claim by showing that words' lengths are inversely correlated with their frequencies. Communicative cost, however, can be operationalized in different ways. Piantadosi et al. (2011) claim that cost should be measured as the distance between an utterance's information rate and channel capacity, which we dub the channel capacity hypothesis (CCH) here. Following this logic, they then proposed that a word's length should be proportional to the expected value of its surprisal (negative log-probability in context). In this work, we show that Piantadosi et al.'s derivation does not minimize CCH's cost, but rather a lower bound, which we term CCH-lower. We propose a novel derivation, suggesting an improved way to minimize CCH's cost. Under this method, we find that a language's word lengths should instead be proportional to the surprisal's expectation plus its variance-to-mean ratio. Experimentally, we compare these three communicative cost functions: Zipf's, CCH-lower , and CCH. Across 13 languages and several experimental settings, we find that length is better predicted by frequency than either of the other hypotheses. In fact, when surprisal's expectation, or expectation plus variance-to-mean ratio, is estimated using better language models, it leads to worse word length predictions. We take these results as evidence that Zipf's longstanding hypothesis holds.

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Pareto Probing: Trading Off Accuracy for Complexity

The question of how to probe contextual word representations for linguistic structure in a way that is both principled and useful has seen significant attention recently in the NLP literature. In our contribution to this discussion, we argue for a probe metric that reflects the fundamental trade-off between probe complexity and performance: the Pareto hypervolume. To measure complexity, we present a number of parametric and non-parametric metrics. Our experiments using Pareto hypervolume as an evaluation metric show that probes often do not conform to our expectations -- e.g., why should the non-contextual fastText representations encode more morpho-syntactic information than the contextual BERT representations? These results suggest that common, simplistic probing tasks, such as part-of-speech labeling and dependency arc labeling, are inadequate to evaluate the linguistic structure encoded in contextual word representations. This leads us to propose full dependency parsing as a probing task. In support of our suggestion that harder probing tasks are necessary, our experiments with dependency parsing reveal a wide gap in syntactic knowledge between contextual and non-contextual representations.

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Quantifying the redundancy between prosody and text

Prosody -- the suprasegmental component of speech, including pitch, loudness, and tempo -- carries critical aspects of meaning. However, the relationship between the information conveyed by prosody vs. by the words themselves remains poorly understood. We use large language models (LLMs) to estimate how much information is redundant between prosody and the words themselves. Using a large spoken corpus of English audiobooks, we extract prosodic features aligned to individual words and test how well they can be predicted from LLM embeddings, compared to non-contextual word embeddings. We find a high degree of redundancy between the information carried by the words and prosodic information across several prosodic features, including intensity, duration, pauses, and pitch contours. Furthermore, a word's prosodic information is redundant with both the word itself and the context preceding as well as following it. Still, we observe that prosodic features can not be fully predicted from text, suggesting that prosody carries information above and beyond the words. Along with this paper, we release a general-purpose data processing pipeline for quantifying the relationship between linguistic information and extra-linguistic features.

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