arXiv subjects

Zack Fitzsimmons

Publications and source records attributed to Zack Fitzsimmons.

17 recordsLinked to original sources

arXiv2025

On the Parallelizability of Approval-Based Committee Rules

Approval-Based Committee (ABC) rules are an important tool for choosing a fair set of candidates when given the preferences of a collection of voters. Though finding a winning committee for many ABC rules is NP-hard, natural variations for these rules with polynomial-time algorithms exist. The recently introduced Method of Equal Shares, an important ABC rule with desirable properties, is also computable in polynomial time. However, when working with very large elections, polynomial time is not enough and parallelization may be necessary. We show that computing a winning committee using these polynomial-time ABC rules (including the Method of Equal Shares) is P-hard, thus showing they cannot be parallelized. In contrast, we show that finding a winning committee can be parallelized when the votes are single-peaked or single-crossing for the important ABC rule Chamberlin-Courant.

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arXiv2024

On the Hardness of Fair Allocation under Ternary Valuations

We study the problem of fair allocation of indivisible items when agents have ternary additive valuations -- each agent values each item at some fixed integer values $a$, $b$, or $c$ that are common to all agents. The notions of fairness we consider are max Nash welfare (MNW), when $a$, $b$, and $c$ are non-negative, and max egalitarian welfare (MEW). We show that for any distinct non-negative $a$, $b$, and $c$, maximizing Nash welfare is APX-hard -- i.e., the problem does not admit a PTAS unless P = NP. We also show that for any distinct $a$, $b$, and $c$, maximizing egalitarian welfare is APX-hard except for a few cases when $b = 0$ that admit efficient algorithms. These results make significant progress towards completely characterizing the complexity of computing exact MNW allocations and MEW allocations. En route, we resolve open questions left by prior work regarding the complexity of computing MNW allocations under bivalued valuations, and MEW allocations under ternary mixed manna.

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arXiv2023

Complexity of Conformant Election Manipulation

It is important to study how strategic agents can affect the outcome of an election. There has been a long line of research in the computational study of elections on the complexity of manipulative actions such as manipulation and bribery. These problems model scenarios such as voters casting strategic votes and agents campaigning for voters to change their votes to make a desired candidate win. A common assumption is that the preferences of the voters follow the structure of a domain restriction such as single peakedness, and so manipulators only consider votes that also satisfy this restriction. We introduce the model where the preferences of the voters define their own restriction and strategic actions must ``conform'' by using only these votes. In this model, the election after manipulation will retain common domain restrictions. We explore the computational complexity of conformant manipulative actions and we discuss how conformant manipulative actions relate to other manipulative actions.

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arXiv2023

Using Weighted Matching to Solve 2-Approval/Veto Control and Bribery

Determining the complexity of election attack problems is a major research direction in the computational study of voting problems. The paper "Towards completing the puzzle: complexity of control by replacing, adding, and deleting candidates or voters" by Erd\'elyi et al. (JAAMAS 2021) provides a comprehensive study of the complexity of control problems. The sole open problem is constructive control by replacing voters for 2-Approval. We show that this case is in P, strengthening the recent RP (randomized polynomial-time) upper bound due to Fitzsimmons and Hemaspaandra (IJCAI 2022). We show this by transforming 2-Approval CCRV to weighted matching. We also use this approach to show that priced bribery for 2-Veto elections is in P. With this result, and the accompanying (unsurprising) result that priced bribery for 3-Veto elections is NP-complete, this settles the complexity for $k$-Approval and $k$-Veto standard control and bribery cases.

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arXiv2022

Insight into Voting Problem Complexity Using Randomized Classes

The first step in classifying the complexity of an NP problem is typically showing the problem in P or NP-complete. This has been a successful first step for many problems, including voting problems. However, in this paper we show that this may not always be the best first step. We consider the problem of constructive control by replacing voters (CCRV) introduced by Loreggia et al. (2015) for the scoring rule First-Last, which is defined by $\langle 1, 0, \dots, 0, -1\rangle$. We show that this problem is equivalent to Exact Perfect Bipartite Matching, and so CCRV for First-Last can be determined in random polynomial time. So on the one hand, if CCRV for First-Last is NP-complete then RP = NP, which is extremely unlikely. On the other hand, showing that CCRV for First-Last is in P would also show that Exact Perfect Bipartite Matching is in P, which would solve a well-studied 40-year-old open problem. By considering RP as an option we also gain insight into the complexity of CCRV for 2-Approval, ultimately showing it in P, which settles the complexity of the sole open problem in the comprehensive table from Erdélyi et al. (2021).

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arXiv2021

High-Multiplicity Election Problems

The computational study of elections generally assumes that the preferences of the electorate come in as a list of votes. Depending on the context, it may be much more natural to represent the list succinctly, as the distinct votes of the electorate and their counts, i.e., high-multiplicity representation. We consider how this representation affects the complexity of election problems. High-multiplicity representation may be exponentially smaller than standard representation, and so many polynomial-time algorithms for election problems in standard representation become exponential-time. Surprisingly, for polynomial-time election problems, we are often able to either adapt the same approach or provide new algorithms to show that these problems remain polynomial-time in the high-multiplicity case; this is in sharp contrast to the case where each voter has a weight, where the complexity usually increases. In the process we explore the relationship between high-multiplicity scheduling and manipulation of high-multiplicity elections. And we show that for any fixed set of job lengths, high-multiplicity scheduling on uniform parallel machines is in P, which was previously known for only two job lengths. We did not find any natural case where a polynomial-time election problem does not remain in P when moving to high-multiplicity representation. However, we found one natural NP-hard election problem where the complexity does increase, namely winner determination for Kemeny elections.

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arXiv2021

Kemeny Consensus Complexity

The computational study of election problems generally focuses on questions related to the winner or set of winners of an election. But social preference functions such as Kemeny rule output a full ranking of the candidates (a consensus). We study the complexity of consensus-related questions, with a particular focus on Kemeny and its qualitative version Slater. The simplest of these questions is the problem of determining whether a ranking is a consensus, and we show that this problem is coNP-complete. We also study the natural question of the complexity of manipulative actions that have a specific consensus as a goal. Though determining whether a ranking is a Kemeny consensus is hard, the optimal action for manipulators is to simply vote their desired consensus. We provide evidence that this simplicity is caused by the combination of election system (Kemeny), manipulative action (manipulation), and manipulative goal (consensus). In the process we provide the first completeness results at the second level of the polynomial hierarchy for electoral manipulation and for optimal solution recognition.

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arXiv2020

Representative Proxy Voting

We study a model of proxy voting where the candidates, voters, and proxies are all located on the real line, and instead of voting directly, each voter delegates its vote to the closest proxy. The goal is to find a set of proxies that is $θ$-representative, which entails that for any voter located anywhere on the line, its favorite candidate is within a distance $θ$ of the favorite candidate of its closest proxy. This property guarantees a strong form of representation as the set of voters is not required to be fixed in advance, or even be finite. We show that for candidates located on a line, an optimal proxy arrangement can be computed in polynomial time. Moreover, we provide upper and lower bounds on the number of proxies required to form a $θ$-representative set, thus showing that a relatively small number of proxies is enough to capture the preferences of any set of voters. An additional beneficial property of a $θ$-representative proxy arrangement is that for strict-Condorcet voting rules, the outcome of proxy voting is similarly close to the outcome of direct voting.

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arXiv2020

Incomplete Preferences in Single-Peaked Electorates

Incomplete preferences are likely to arise in real-world preference aggregation scenarios. This paper deals with determining whether an incomplete preference profile is single-peaked. This is valuable information since many intractable voting problems become tractable given single-peaked preferences. We prove that the problem of recognizing single-peakedness is \NP-complete for incomplete profiles consisting of partial orders. Despite this intractability result, we find several polynomial-time algorithms for reasonably restricted settings. In particular, we give polynomial-time recognition algorithms for weak orders, which can be viewed as preferences with indifference.

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arXiv2020

Selecting Voting Locations for Fun and Profit

While manipulative attacks on elections have been well-studied, only recently has attention turned to attacks that account for geographic information, which are extremely common in the real world. The most well known in the media is gerrymandering, in which district border-lines are changed to increase a party's chance to win, but a different geographical manipulation involves influencing the election by selecting the location of polling places, as many people are not willing to go to any distance to vote. In this paper we initiate the study of this manipulation. We find that while it is easy to manipulate the selection of polling places on the line, it becomes difficult already on the plane or in the case of more than two candidates. Moreover, we show that for more than two candidates the problem is inapproximable. However, we find a few restricted cases on the plane where some algorithms perform well. Finally, we discuss how existing results for standard control actions hold in the geographic setting, consider additional control actions in the geographic setting, and suggest directions for future study.

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arXiv2019

Election Score Can Be Harder Than Winner

Election systems based on scores generally determine the winner by computing the score of each candidate and the winner is the candidate with the best score. It would be natural to expect that computing the winner of an election is at least as hard as computing the score of a candidate. We show that this is not always the case. In particular, we show that for Young elections for dichotomous preferences the winner problem is easy, while determining the score of a candidate is hard. This complexity behavior has not been seen before and is unusual. The easiness of the winner problem for dichotomous Young crucially uses the fact that dichotomous preferences guarantee the transitivity of the majority relation. In addition to dichotomous preferences we also look at single-peaked preferences, the most well-studied domain restriction that guarantees the transitivity of the majority relation. We show that for the three major hard election systems and their natural variants, dichotomous Young is the only case where winner is easy and score is hard. This also solves an open question from Lackner and Peters (AAAI 2017), by providing a polynomial-time algorithm for Dodgson score for single-peaked electorates.

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arXiv2018

Very Hard Electoral Control Problems

It is important to understand how the outcome of an election can be modified by an agent with control over the structure of the election. Electoral control has been studied for many election systems, but for all studied systems the winner problem is in P, and so control is in NP. There are election systems, such as Kemeny, that have many desirable properties, but whose winner problems are not in NP. Thus for such systems control is not in NP, and in fact we show that it is typically complete for $Σ_2^p$ (i.e., ${\rm NP}^{\rm NP}$, the second level of the polynomial hierarchy). This is a very high level of complexity. Approaches that perform quite well for solving NP problems do not necessarily work for $Σ_2^p$-complete problems. However, answer set programming is suited to express problems in $Σ_2^p$, and we present an encoding for Kemeny control.

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arXiv2017

Control in the Presence of Manipulators: Cooperative and Competitive Cases

Control and manipulation are two of the most studied types of attacks on elections. In this paper, we study the complexity of control attacks on elections in which there are manipulators. We study both the case where the "chair" who is seeking to control the election is allied with the manipulators, and the case where the manipulators seek to thwart the chair. In the latter case, we see that the order of play substantially influences the complexity. We prove upper bounds, holding over every election system with a polynomial-time winner problem, for all standard control cases, and some of these bounds are at the second or third level of the polynomial hierarchy, and we provide matching lower bounds to prove these tight. Nonetheless, for important natural systems the complexity can be much lower. We prove that for approval and plurality elections, the complexity of even competitive clashes between a controller and manipulators falls far below those high bounds, even as low as polynomial time. Yet for a Borda-voting case we show that such clashes raise the complexity unless NP = coNP.

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arXiv2016

Single-Peaked Consistency for Weak Orders Is Easy

In economics and social choice single-peakedness is one of the most important and commonly studied models for preferences. It is well known that single-peaked consistency for total orders is in P. However in practice a preference profile is not always comprised of total orders. Often voters have indifference between some of the candidates. In a weak preference order indifference must be transitive. We show that single-peaked consistency for weak orders is in P for three different variants of single-peakedness for weak orders. Specifically, we consider Black's original definition of single-peakedness for weak orders, Black's definition of single-plateaued preferences, and the existential model recently introduced by Lackner. We accomplish our results by transforming each of these single-peaked consistency problems to the problem of determining if a 0-1 matrix has the consecutive ones property.

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arXiv2016

Modeling Single-Peakedness for Votes with Ties

Single-peakedness is one of the most important and well-known domain restrictions on preferences. The computational study of single-peaked electorates has largely been restricted to elections with tie-free votes, and recent work that studies the computational complexity of manipulative attacks for single-peaked elections for votes with ties has been restricted to nonstandard models of single-peaked preferences for top orders. We study the computational complexity of manipulation for votes with ties for the standard model of single-peaked preferences and for single-plateaued preferences. We show that these models avoid the anomalous complexity behavior exhibited by the other models. We also state a surprising result on the relation between the societal axis and the complexity of manipulation for single-peaked preferences.

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arXiv2015

Complexity of Manipulative Actions When Voting with Ties

Most of the computational study of election problems has assumed that each voter's preferences are, or should be extended to, a total order. However in practice voters may have preferences with ties. We study the complexity of manipulative actions on elections where voters can have ties, extending the definitions of the election systems (when necessary) to handle voters with ties. We show that for natural election systems allowing ties can both increase and decrease the complexity of manipulation and bribery, and we state a general result on the effect of voters with ties on the complexity of control.

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arXiv2014

X THEN X: Manipulation of Same-System Runoff Elections

Do runoff elections, using the same voting rule as the initial election but just on the winning candidates, increase or decrease the complexity of manipulation? Does allowing revoting in the runoff increase or decrease the complexity relative to just having a runoff without revoting? For both weighted and unweighted voting, we show that even for election systems with simple winner problems the complexity of manipulation, manipulation with runoffs, and manipulation with revoting runoffs are independent, in the abstract. On the other hand, for some important, well-known election systems we determine what holds for each of these cases. For no such systems do we find runoffs lowering complexity, and for some we find that runoffs raise complexity. Ours is the first paper to show that for natural, unweighted election systems, runoffs can increase the manipulation complexity.

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